As a Republican state legislator for 16 years as a Texas rancher and a solid supporter of Donald Trump, John Davis’s conservative confidence is perfect. But Davis was horrified by his party’s attacks on an increasingly important lifeline on the development of clean energy, a conservative area in many rural areas of the United States.
Davis allows seven wind turbines to be located on a ranch in Rolling Hill Country near Menard west of Austin, offering opportunities not only for his family but also for his community, one of Texas’ poorest counties.
But the barrage of bills that pass through the Republican-owned Texas legislature could even cut down precious private property rights by threatening to reverse the state’s status as a clean energy superpower in the United States, limiting the ability of landowners to host wind and solar farms.
The bill comes as Trump strengthens its repeatable rhetoric on the national stage, calling wind turbines “ugh” and “nasty” and bans major clean energy projects on federal lands and waters. “We don’t want a windmill in this country,” Trump, who enjoyed strong election support from farmers, said shortly after taking office as president.
The backlash has embarrassed many conservatives, such as Davis, in a recent poll that shows that most Republican voters in Texas are opposed to crushing the state’s booming renewable energy sector. Climate campaigners see renewable energy as a key alternative to fossil fuels that overheat the planet, but places like Menard County, Texas, have tended to weigh other factors, as Trump won more than 80% of his vote in last year’s election.
“We’re supposed to be a common sense party, but we’ve shifted to Democrats, and that’s what makes me mad. It tells me what to do with my own wealth that sounds like a Democrat,” Davis said. “Some of the bills they are trying to pass will kill renewables.”
Davis retired as a state legislator in 2015 and spent more time on the ranch, but recently filed a lawsuit, urging his former colleagues to return to Austin to reject the anti-family bill. “I testify as a conservative and say, ‘What are you guys doing? Have you lost your heart?” ” he said. “Some of these invoices are attacking the battery storage of everything. How stupid is it? It’s at the expense of your core conservative value principles to protect the oil and gas industry.”
The traditional image of Texas may be those of cowboy hats, steers and nod oil wells, but in reality today’s states could easily be associated with solar panels, windmills and Teslas. Texas’ wind and solar combined totals are nearly twice as high as its nearest rival, California, and last year tripled the amount of new battery storage added compared to 2023, leading the way in emerging alternatives such as Geothermal. This year, a third of all new renewable and storage projects in the United States will be built in Lone Star State.
“We’re still in oil and gas state and we’re producing more than ever, but that’s not the big picture,” said Joshua Rhodes, an energy expert at the University of Texas. “We produce and consume more energy than any other state. There is more wind than the next four states, with over 50% of the grid running on renewable energy. We are in energy states.”
The new renewable energy stampede was fueled by data centers and supported the demand for national energy, which has been growing for the first time since the 1960s. It also generated cash for struggling rural areas. Rhodes research shows that existing Texas clean energy projects will pay more than $12 billion in taxes to local communities, fund schools, roads and hospitals, pay an additional $15 billion to landowners, and lease their property.
“It’s a struggle here. There are rocks, mesquite, coyote, and not many others. If there’s anything to make life easier, I’ll do it,” Davis said. “Did you see a dead bird here? I’ve never seen it,” Davis added regarding one of the most common complaints Trump himself has expressed about wind turbines.
Locations such as Menard, located between two large oil and gas regions in central Texas, have limited new revenue options. Davis has hundreds of goats and sheep and raises Wagyu beef beef on 1,300 acres of property, but 40% of his income now comes from wind turbines.
“I hit the wind!” Everyent Davis, who likes to Leslie Trump’s “drill, baby, drill” mantra, recognizes wind turbines and makes them “turn, baby turn.” “I changed the money into a butt pocket on my back,” he said.
Some locals still hate the sight of wind turbines drilling holes in the grasslands. “I think they look like angels now,” he said. Another rancher nearby, Hoppy Murchison, has a hanging handlebar mustache, cowboy hat and a checkered shirt, but is engrossed in the appearance and is mostly registered in the Trump worldview.
“But for me, it made so much sense not to do that,” Murchison said. “I don’t think we can rely entirely on renewables, but at some point we’ll run out of oil and gas, so anything can help.”
For leaders in poor counties like Menard, the aesthetics of wind turbines lie next to it. “I literally have hungry kids in my community so I’m not raising my nose at any kind of economic wind drop,” said local Republican County Judge Brandon Corbyn. Corbin estimates that the proposed battery facility in the county can add up to 30% to the $5 million Menard annual budget.
“When he spews that way, it’s productive and useless,” Corbin said of Trump’s comments on wind and sunlight. “We are earthly people here and he says to bring out fear and uncertainty.”
But senior Washington Republicans are pushing for budget plans to strip clean energy and electric vehicles of incentives, and are seeking Trump’s monkeys. Meanwhile, Texas has three state bills that will severely restrict the installation of new winds and suns.
Those that have already passed SB819, a Texas Senator, are asking for “state police force” to significantly limit new wind and solar projects by requesting the necessary permits for gas, coal or nuclear power plants. The wind turbine should be 3,000 feet from the neighbor’s property line, compared to just 467 feet for oil wells.
“We’ve heard from many members who have valid concerns about the reckless installation of these facilities,” said Royce Kolhorst, a Texas Senator and one of the bill’s sponsors. Kolhorst, a Republican who calls himself a “lifelong wildlife conservationist,” said the law “provides a reasonable approach to the recent surge in wind and solar facilities, as recent wind and solar facilities have not been violated without consideration or protection for the landowner or the environment.”
While most Republicans do not share such hostility towards renewable energy, Kolhorst has strong and wealthy allies, such as the Texas Public Policy Foundation think tank and the Texas Group’s stewards against new clean energy development. The latter group has connections with Dan Friedkin, a billionaire businessman who includes the ownership of the hotel, whose role includes being executive producer for Paramount Showlandman (including a notable scene criticizing clean energy) and owner of football club Everton and Rome.
“Renewables play a role in Texas’ energy landscape, but they need to be managed responsibly to ensure that the state’s most precious outdoor space is not affected,” said a Friedkin Group spokesman on behalf of Friedkin.
But critics of the bill argue that it is a counterproductive political stance designed to support the oil and gas industry that they feel is at stake by the rise of renewable energy. If the bill passes, 15% of the Texas wind fleet could be closed, and one estimate shows that a typical household electricity bill raised energy prices until an increase of $225 a year.
“This will be extremely damaging to renewable energy and damage the entire Texas economy,” said Doug Lewin, a leading Texas energy industry expert.
“We desperately need a new energy supply. If we say, ‘No, we don’t want a source that can deploy the fastest source’, the economy will stagnate.
“Some people just decided they’d fight against them when renewables are bad. If there are so many abandoned oil wells in Texas, pointing solar panels as an environmental issue is ridiculous.”
The fate of clean energy support in the federal budget depends on how many medium Republicans fight to maintain the investment that flows into their districts, but in Texas, the main decision maker may be time itself. The Texas legislative session ends on June 2nd, and if the bill gets intense enough in the system, Davis hopes they will be beaten onto the watch, at least until next year’s session.
“This system is set up to kill bills to reduce government,” he said. “So there are many advantages to having to kill these bills. We want to keep them bottled. Delays, delays, delays.”