Markwayne Mullin clarifies ICE position during DHS confirmation hearing
Markwayne Mullin answered questions during a DHS confirmation hearing about how the agency would handle the deployment of ICE to cities.
Sen. Markwayne Mullin, who is awaiting confirmation hearings to become President Donald Trump’s Homeland Security secretary, has set up a political action committee that has spent nearly $1.5 million since 2021 on things like private jet flights, limousine rentals, golf trips, clothing and outdoor gear, luxury hotel stays, Washington Nationals baseball game tickets and bar tabs.
The Boots Political Action Committee, a type of fundraising organization known as a leadership PAC, raised more than $2.7 million from January 2021 to February 2026, according to Federal Election Commission records. The PAC allows Mr. Marin to raise money to support political allies. Boots PAC spent more than $2.1 million in expenses and campaign contributions during that period, more than any other leadership PAC associated with Oklahoma’s congressional delegation. Less than a third of the money Boots PAC spent during that period ($703,579) went to other candidates, records show. Most of that went to other expenses. Boots PAC was formed in 2014 while Mullin was serving in the U.S. House of Representatives. He was elected to the Senate in 2022.
Marin’s office did not respond to requests for comment from The Frontier. Boots PAC treasurer Lisa Lisker declined to comment on the committee’s spending or Mullin’s plans.
If confirmed, Marin can continue operating Boots PAC.
Michael Beckel, director of Money in Politics Reform at Issue One, a Washington, D.C.-based nonpartisan nonprofit that advocates for reducing the influence of money in politics, said there are no rules requiring Mullin to shut down Boots PAC or its candidate committees if she becomes Homeland Security secretary, allowing her to continue raising and spending money while she serves as secretary.
“I think time will tell if that’s something he’s just putting off or continuing to raise money to help the Republican Party and like-minded candidates,” Becker said. “There is certainly precedent for people who have been in similar positions, both in this administration and in previous administrations.”
The largest donors to Boots PAC over the past five years include the Cherokee Nation, which gave $25,000, and Koch Industries, which gave $23,500. Cox Enterprises, Humana Corporation, Lockton Corporation, Poarch Band of Creek Indians, Shingle Springs Band of Miwok Indians, and Jerry Whisenhunt, general manager of Pine Telephone, all contributed $20,000 each.
Boots PAC spent $169,933 on private jets and other charter air travel from May 2024 to December 2025. Poncho Outdoors “Event Apparel” for $10,188. $5,761 in “Event Apparel/Equipment” from hunting and outdoor store Cabela’s. Academy Sports and Outdoors’ “event supplies” cost $5,257. $2,067 in golf equipment, $10,000 in private chefs, Titleist.com;
Leadership PACs are often sponsored by members of Congress and fund their own campaigns, separate from candidate committees.
Since their first use in the 1970s, leadership PACs have become ubiquitous in Washington, D.C., and have been criticized for serving as a “slush fund” for members’ personal spending, with some of their spending going to support other candidates. The Federal Election Commission has done little to rein in private spending by these groups.
Becker said leadership PACs are free to spend money on the personal interests of the politicians they sponsor rather than campaign funds. Candidates are prohibited from using campaign funds for personal expenses.
“At the end of the day, these PACs are often special interest vehicles to curry favor with politicians,” Becker said. “When you already have statutory caps on candidates’ own campaign committees, leadership PACs become another pocket where they can stuff money.”
Becker said it could be a red flag if a political leadership PAC isn’t spending a lot of money donating to other candidates.
“Wealthy donors like to win and dine at fancy restaurants. We often hear that it costs money to raise money, but when you look at the spending at fancy restaurants and luxury resorts, some politicians might argue with a straight face that this is all about raising money to strengthen relationships with donors who need to be wined and dined at fancy places,” Becker said.
“But you don’t really see political fundraising happening at Denny’s or McDonald’s. You often see politicians enjoying trips to ski resorts or beach resorts or eating at fancy steakhouses and not having to pay for that because they have these leadership PACs that they can use almost as a slush fund to pay for all sorts of things.”
All seven members of Oklahoma’s current Congressional delegation run leadership PACs, but some are much more active than others. An average of 56% of Oklahoma Congressional Delegation Leadership PAC spending went to other candidates, according to an analysis of federal campaign data by The Frontier.
By comparison, nearly two-thirds of the $1.7 million spent by senior Oklahoma Sen. James Lankford’s Leadership PAC (Leadership and Accountability PAC) went toward donations to other candidates, federal spending data show.
According to federal data, the only member of Oklahoma’s congressional delegation whose leadership PAC has shown that donations to other candidates account for less than half of its spending is U.S. Rep. Josh Brecheen’s Blessings of Liberty PAC, which has made only one donation to a candidate. But federal data shows the Blessing of Liberty PAC raised less than $15,000, and all other spending by the PAC went to compliance consulting and reporting.
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