Miguel Uribe’s death two months after the attack on him marks the return to Colombia’s worst political violence.
His weeks of hope for recovery ended with the most unfortunate outcome. The killing of social leaders has never been eradicated, but it was an assassination when the country believed the country had overcome the threat of death to its presidential candidate.
Assassinations not only have a profound impact on society, but they also show that they are unified in refusing to attacks, but also allow them to determine the course of future presidential elections. Colombia has the highest record of such political crimes in Latin America. From the mid-20th century Lioncia era to the waves of murders of left-wing leaders and presidential candidates in the 1980s, Colombia has long experienced what has been seen in Ecuador and Haiti.
The previous intervention between the senators and the president was attacked in Bogota on June 7th during a political rally. Since then, security assurances for him and other former presidential candidates have been raised in question. Memories from the late 1980s to early 1990s have resurfaced.
Uribe, the grandson of former president Julio Cesar Turbey Ayala (1978-1982), experienced the violence that year firsthand. During that presidential hopes were also killed Jaime Pardo Rial, Luis Carlos Garan, Bernardo Giramiro Ossa, Carlos Pizzaro Leongomez and Alvaro Gomez Hatado.
Uribe was part of a generation of politicians who were children of their martyred figures, including Mayor Carlos Fernando Garon, son of Luis Carlos Garon, and Mayor Carlos Fernando Garon, daughter of Carlos Pizzaro Leonguez, mayor Carlos Fernando Garon, son of Senator Maria Jose Pizzaro, daughter of Carlos Pizzaro. His death forces him to stand up to Colombian history of violence.
“That’s a big challenge that we have for Colombians. We either fail as a society or close the chapters of many violence our nation has experienced,” says political analyst Pedro Viveros. “How is that chapter closed? By guaranteeing lives to all Colombians, the President must play an important role in making it happen.”
President Gustavo Peter, who took hours to respond to the news, said his government focused on “protection and expansion of life” and refused to persecute the opposition. “Vengeance is not the Colombian path. Decades of violence have emerged from revenge. No more,” he said.
Right-wing politician, Sen. Uribe was close to a strong critic of former President Alvaro Uribe Veles and his current government, led by Peter, the first left-wing president of Colombian modern history. Uribe represents the young face of the opposition. Like several candidates in the 1990 election, Uribe died as an enemy, and his murder highlights the rifts of the country’s security and lack of protection for leaders. This was one of his campaign promises.
Former President Uribe wrote to X that “they killed hope” in Uribe’s death. “Just with truth and justice, it will eradicate political violence and the violence that has ended with Miguel Uribe’s life and many political leaders who want to make much contribution to this society,” Senator Pizzarro said.
Unlike 30 years ago, assassinations of candidates were common, but the investigation points to the FARC opposition, but it is still unclear who ordered the attack on Uribe.
A candidate for Mayor of Bogota, councillor and government secretary, Uribe has been a Senator of the Democratic Centre Party since 2022. In October 2024, he announced the president’s bid for the 2026 election, where his mother was killed. At that time he said her death had shaped his life.
Uribe was not one of the most visible competitors at the time of the attack, but his name became apparent afterwards. In a July poll by Guarmo Econoanalytica, Uribe led the president’s intention to vote.
At the time of the attack, the country was experiencing “political stress,” as analyst Vivelos explains. This refers to national constituent rallies, popular consultations, or enforcement orders approving his reforms due to President Peter’s “radicalisation of discourse.”
After the attack, the democratic center integrates a unified anti-Peter voice around Uribe.
“The big dilemma facing the Democratic Center is that there are no viable candidates,” explains Viveros. “The viable candidate was Miguel Uribe after the attack. Future moves will depend on the decision of the Democratic Center.”
“This unfortunate event will revolve around what the Democratic Center defines, Colombia’s political future, anti-Peter movement or opposition decisions.” “The opposition’s future center of gravity is in the party’s hands.”
In 1989, after the death of Luis Carlos Garan, Cesar Gabilia emerged as an official candidate with the support of Galan’s son Juan Manuel Garan.
Today, the voices of Uribe’s wife, Maria Claudia Tarazona and party leader Alvaro Uribe Veles are currently under house arrest due to an incident that is tampering with witnesses – could affect the Democratic Center’s decision. The party had planned a poll in October to select a candidate for 2026, but has not announced its first decision since Uribe’s death.
It is still unknown who will order Uribe’s death and the country is facing the launch of a campaign, but his death will be central to debate, scrutinizing the performance of the Peter government and bringing Colombia back to uncertainty and fear of perpetual violence. In Colombia, the enemy can still be killed regardless of political affiliation, and both the state and society face the challenge of preventing it.
Today, overcoming that challenge after Uribe’s death seems more affordable than ever.
